Women’s sexualization is pervasive; through both interpersonal interactions and engagement with traditional (e.g., television, movies) and digital (e.g., social media) media women are subject to another’s’ gaze and evaluation with the risk of negative social and psychological impact (Fredrickson & Roberts, 1997; Roberts et al., 2018). The popularity of photo-centric social media platforms, like Instagram and TikTok, has sparked inquiry about how platforms reproduce and reinforce sexualized gender stereotypes (Daniels, 2016; Vendemia & Fox, 2024). However, research examining this phenomenon often uses images of women who embody a single appearance standard—thin, sexualized, and White (American Psychological Association, 2007) – and center the media experiences of White women (Landor et al., 2024). Thus, there is need for more intersectional research that centers how multiple categories of social identity influence users’ response to sexualized content online.

Black women sit at the intersection of gender and racial oppression, contributing to unique experiences with sexualization. Black women are often subject to societal surveillance and hypersexualization. Historically, Black women’s bodies have been controlled, dehumanized, and sexually exploited by White society (Strings, 2019). Contemporary media representations of Black women frequently reflect controlling images that derive Black women’s value from their sexualized physical appearance (i.e., objectification) and privilege lighter skin tones (i.e., colorism; Awad et al., 2015; Lowy et al., 2021; Walker, 1983). Together these factors shape not only how Black women are positioned at a socio-structural level, but also can influence socialization (Landor et al., 2024) and how they engage with identity-salient media.

To gain greater insight on the social media experiences of Black women, guided by the critical media effects (Ramasubramanian & Banjo, 2020) and intersectional frameworks (Crenshaw, 1994/2013), as well as sexualization scholarship, the current study examines how Black women evaluate sexualized (vs. non-sexualized) social media images of other Black women. Additionally, in light of work that suggests that inter/intraracial dynamics may reinforce dominant sexist and colorist beliefs (Newton et al., 2024), this study aimed to understand how the skin tone (darker vs. lighter brown) of Black women featured in social media images further impacted viewer evaluations.

Sexualization and (Social) Media

Traditional and social media are predominant sources of sexualization, both placing considerable emphasis on women’s sexual physical attractiveness (APA, 2007; Tiggemann & Zaccardo, 2018; Ward et al., 2023). Sexualization occurs when a person is exclusively valued for her sexual appeal or behavior, her physical attractiveness is equated to sexiness, she is treated as a sexual object, or sexuality is inappropriately imposed on her (APA, 2007). Through both interpersonal and media interactions these views can be internalized by women and self-imposed as self-sexualization, wherein women value themselves for their sexual appeal and intentionally and voluntarily emphasize their sexual apperance as a source of validation (Barnett et al., 2018; Grower & Ward, 2021; Ward et al., 2018)

Social media platforms offer an optimized venue for the perpetuation of women’s sexualization. Affordances of communication technology allow social media users to selectively self-present idealized representations of themselves (Walther, 1996) and facilitate an environment where users can edit, share, and receive feedback on their optimized appearance (Vandenbosch et al., 2022). Content analyses suggest that young women tend to self-sexualize, presenting themselves in a sexualized manner online by wearing provacative apparel (e.g., lingerie, swimwear, tight clothes) or posing in a sexually suggestive way (Deighton-Smith & Bell, 2018; Ruckel & Hill, 2017; Tiggemann & Zaccardo, 2018). Some users may present themselves consistent with these appearance norms to receive favorable attention from their online audiences (Chua & Chang, 2016; Drenten et al., 2020). As such, social media platforms establish a dynamic where conformity to a sexualized aesthetic is explicitly valued and reinforced through platform norms and functionality (Drenten et al., 2020). This ultimately reflects a wider cultural demand that values women’s sex appeal (Daniels 2016).

Although sexualization may lead to gained social rewards from platform features, research suggests that sexualized women often face negative social evaluation (Ward et al., 2023). Sexualized women are more likely to be perceived as interchangeable (Gervais et al., 2011), recognized by their sexual body parts (Gervais et al., 2012), and are less likely to be associated with humanness (Puvia & Vaes, 2013; Vendemia & Fox, 2024). Additionally, people tend to make more negative attributions about sexualized women. For example, sexualized women are rated as less competent, less intelligent, less agentic, less moral, having less self-respect, and more promiscuous (Daniels & Zurbriggen, 2016; Glick et al., 2005; Graff et al., 2012). Finally, research suggests that exposure to sexualized media is associated with greater endorsement of sexist beliefs, traditional gender roles, and objectifying beliefs about women (for review, see Ward et al., 2023).

The current study seeks to fill the gap in understanding how Black women engage with sexualized images of members of their own community. There is ample support that exposure to sexualized imagery has negative consequences for women. However, less clear is the influence of other social identities. All women are subject to sexualization; however, gender, race, and heteronormativity can intermingle and influence viewer reactions (Ward et al., 2023). Historically, due to their racial, gender, and economic position, Black women have been subject to a variety of “controlling and oppressive appearance-related discourse[s]” (Lowy et al., 2021, p. 317). However, few studies examine how Black women engage with sexualized representations of members of their own communities (for exceptions see, Biefeld et al., 2021; Daniels et al., 2022; Vendemia et al., 2024). As social media content is user generated, these harmful social discourses may be replicated, reinforced, and internalized by Black social media users. Given this, the current study aimed to examine how Black women react to sexualized social media images of other Black women with consideration to how sociohistorical context may shape their experiences.

Sexualization and Black Women

The critical media effects framework (CME; Ramasubramanian & Banjo, 2020) can be applied to study the effect of sexualized social media images on Black women. CME draws on four concepts from critical cultural communication – power, intersectionality, context and agency – that should be considered when theorizing media effects that better reflect the distinct media experiences of non-Western or non-White consumers (Ramasubramanian & Banjo, 2020, p. 381). Power refers to the hierarchal relationships and structural inequalities that exist between members of privileged and marginalized groups. Intersectionality (Crenshaw, 1994/2013), as an analytical approach, suggests that multiple social identities (e.g., gender, class, race, sexuality) can intersect to shape individual lived experiences (Cole, 2009). Consequentially, research that is restricted to studying one axis of group membership may overlook the experiences of individuals belonging to multiple social categories (Crenshaw, 1994/2013). Context emphasizes the importance of the technological, social, political and cultural circumstances with which marginalized groups exist in relation to their media experiences. Finally, agency emphasizes the active role media users take in their media consumption. Applied to the present study, Black women’s social media experiences may be influenced by sociostructural factors related to both their gender and racial identities which can shape their social realities.

Thus, to understand the effect of sexualized social media images on Black women it is imperative to understand how historic racist and sexist messages, like the Jezebel stereotype, continue to marginalize Black women. Dating back to enslavement, the Jezebel stereotype perpetuates the belief that Black women are hypersexual and manipulative (Collins, 2022). During enslavement, Black women were treated as chattel, with their value derived from their physique, sexual physicality, and childbearing ability (Strings, 2019; West, 1995). Saartjie Bartmann, serves as a historical example of the Jezebel stereotype. Bartmann was an enslaved South African woman, who was sexually exploited as an “erotic and scientific” exhibition due to the size and shape of her derrière (Strings, 2019, p. 91). Bartmann symbolized a contrast between Black women’s femininity – Jezebels: savages, full figured, grotesque, yet sexually exotic – and White women’s femininity – fair skinned, slender, and pure (Strings, 2019). Baartman, and Black women like her, served as scapegoats to White society’s sexual violence through claims of Black immorality and subhumanity.

However, the association between Black women and hypersexuality still pervades through media representation. Research suggests that Black women are often depicted in music videos as sexually promiscuous (Littlefield, 2008), appearing in provocative clothing (Turner, 2011), and as sexual objects (Ward et al., 2013). In TV portrayals Black characters are significantly more sexualized than other racial groups, with Black women more sexualized than Black men (Tukachinsky et al., 2015). These media representations influence viewers' appraisal of Black women. Biefeld et al. (2021) found that women viewers rated Black sexualized targets (vs. non-sexualized targets) as more popular. In contrast, White non-sexualized targets (vs. sexualized targets) were rated as more popular by viewers. Biefeld et al. (2021) attribute differential ratings to the prevalence of sexualized Black women in the media; as sexualized Black women are seemingly the norm, they are viewed as more attractive. Other work suggests that Black women perceive themselves as oversexualized in the media, with sexuality often associated with desirability and attractiveness (Watson et al., 2012). Altogether, as (Black) women’s sexuality and attractiveness are readily associated in Western culture (APA, 2007) and social media use is associated with the reinforcement of sexualized hegemonic appearance standards (Vandenbosch et al., 2022), the following relationships were expected:

  • H1: Black women who view sexualized (vs. non-sexualized) social media images will rate the women in the photos as a more prototypical representation of Black women (a) in traditional media outlets, on (b) social media platforms, and as (c) more physically attractive.

Continuing, research shows that people perceive sexualized Black women differently (Anderson et al., 2018; Bay-Cheng et al., 2020; Willis, 1992). For example, Bay-Cheng et al. (2020) found that after participants read a vignette about a Black or White woman who was sexually active, the sexually active Black woman received more negative commentary from participants (e.g., degrading and racist language) in both intensity and frequency, compared to the White woman. Research by Willis (1992) found that Black (vs. White) sexual assault victims were perceived as less trustworthy and owned more responsibility for their assault. Finally, Anderson et al. (2018) found that White viewers who observed sexualized images of Black women tended to focus more on their sexualized body parts (e.g., breasts and hips) in comparison to when they viewed sexualized images of White women. Anderson et al. (2018) also found that Black women (vs. White women) were more likely to be dehumanized and objectified through an implicit association task.

Additionally, extant sexual stereotypes may potentially influence assessments Black women make about one another. For example, Bay-Cheng et al. (2020) found that Black participants rated vignettes of sexualized women more negatively than White participants. Black women, in particular, made proportionally more unfavorable comments about the vignette subject than other demographics. Bay-Cheng et al. suggest that this difference may be a reaction to racist or misogynistic stigma directed towards Black women and girls. Politics of respectability refer to implicit rules within the Black community that emphasize certain behaviors (e.g., self-restraint, sexual purity, cleanliness, and politeness) as a means to individual and collective success in mainstream society (Higginbotham, 1992), which may influence Black women’s evaluations (Morgan & Bennett, 2006; Daniels et al., 2022). To be respectable, Black women should not appear to be overly sexual (Daniels et al., 2022). Indeed, research shows that Black women often restrict their own behaviors to avoid reinforcing negative sexual stereotyping (Anakaraonye et al., 2019). The behavioral impact of respectability politics, along with previous work that indicates viewers tend to make more negative attributions about sexualized women (Ward et al., 2023), it stands to reason that Black women who encounter sexualized (vs. non-sexualized) social media images may also make more negative attributions. Thus, the following was hypothesized:

  • H2: Black women who view sexualized (vs. non-sexualized) social media images will rate the women in the photos as (a) less competent, (b) less warm, and (c) less moral.

Colorism and Desirability

Hegemonic beauty standards – having fair skin, light eyes, and long hair – are rooted in White supremacy and can shape how Black women’s worth, attractiveness, and capabilities are derived (Awad et al., 2015; Collins, 2022). In the United States, this phenotype has been used to establish social hierarchy and justify the dehumanization of Black people (Strings, 2019). Antebellum, slave owners used skin tone to breed animosity amongst enslaved Black people; lighter skinned Black people worked in the masters’ house and had opportunities for (limited) advancement, whereas darker skinned Black people worked in the fields (Hunter, 2007). After abolition, colorism – a system that privileges those with lighter skin (Awad et al., 2015; Walker, 1983) – stratified Black life. Lighter-skinned Black people were business and community leaders and structured Black society in ways that excluded darker-skinned Black people from social accession (Hunter, 2007). Research suggests that among Black women lighter skin is associated with higher educational attainment, higher personal earnings, and higher spousal status (Hunter, 2002, 2007). In contrast, research shows that individuals with darker skin or more Afrocentric features are more likely to be associated with criminality and face harsher punishment in the penal system (Eberhardt et al., 2006; King & Johnson, 2016).

For Black women especially, aligning more closely to hegemonic beauty standards improves social capital (Hunter, 2002) and perceived attractiveness (Awad et al., 2015). Research suggests that magazines overrepresent Black women with lighter skin, smaller facial features, and longer and straighter hair (Boepple & Thompson, 2018; Jankowski et al., 2017). Consciousness of a skin tone hierarchy is similarly perpetuated through hip-hop music which some argue overtly laud women with lighter skin and exclude or degrade women with darker skin (Maxwell et al., 2016). Finally, within the commercial beauty industry representation for women of darker complexion is often deprioritized in marketing and product development. The industry, instead, focuses on “White hetero-femininity” as an aesthetic to aspire towards (Love et al., 2025, p. 5). Thus, colorist messaging is not only internalized from social institutions (e.g., school, employment, justice system) but also through interpersonal interactions (e.g., peers, family), and engagement with traditional (e.g., television, movies, and music) and digital media (e.g., social media, video games) that reinforce a color hierarchy (Crooks et al., 2025). Qualitative research suggests that many Black women perceive a societal preference for lighter skin (Abrams et al., 2020; Awad et al., 2015; Bond & Cash, 1992; Capodilupo & Kim, 2014; Falconer & Neville, 2000; Wilder & Cain, 2011) which can contribute to feelings of invisibility and less appearance satisfaction (Capodilupo, 2015).

Social media platforms additionally provide a space where colorist beauty ideals are perpetuated. For example, researchers suggest that colorist beauty ideals are reinforced through skin-tone related hashtags (i.e., #teamlightskin, #teamdarkskin) that accompany uploaded selfies. These hashtags may be used to indicate skin tone preference, further denigrating and dividing Black social media users (Abrams et al., 2020; Landor & McNeil Smith, 2019). Additionally, social media platforms may enact digital colorism through algorithmic bias and filters (Miller, 2026; Riccio et al., 2024; Ryan-Mosley, 2021). Ryan-Mosley (2021) suggests that social media algorithms may be biased towards users with lighter skin, amplifying their pages over users with darker complexions. Continuing, photo-filters may reinforce hegemonic beauty standards through lightening skin tone and enhancing features to be in alignment with Eurocentric ideals (Miller, 2026; Riccio et al., 2024). Thus, given the influence of colorism within the social institutions, the Black community, and through digital media, the following was hypothesized:

  • H3: Black women who view social media images that feature lighter brown (vs. darker brown) skinned Black women will rate the women in the photos as a more prototypical representation of Black women (a) in traditional media outlets, on (b) social media platforms, and as (c) more physically attractive.

Finally, colorism entrenched in both interpersonal and traditional and digital media interactions can further divide Black women through the reinforcement of gender stereotypes and color hierarchies (Newton et al., 2024). For example, darker skinned women disproportionately experience colorist microaggressions within the Black community (Hall; 2017; Hall & Crutchfield, 2018; Newton et al., 2024). Darker-skin is often associated with masculinity, aggression, ‘ghetto-ness’ and criminality (Abrams et al., 2020). However, other research suggests that lighter-skinned women face resentment, mistrust, hostility, and ostracization within intra-racial settings (Hall, 2017; Hunter, 2007, 2013; Long, 2025; Wilder & Cain, 2011). Lighter-skinned Black people are often stereotyped as conceited and arrogant and are viewed as less ethnically authentic (Abrams et al., 2020; Hunter, 2007; Mathews & Johnson, 2015).

Other research suggests that light-skinned Black women may also face additional sexualized gender stereotyping (Long, 2025; Newton et al., 2024). Scholars note that the Jezebel stereotype is often contemporarily represented by fair-skinned Black women, now referred to as a “video vixen” or “Instagram baddie” (Long, 2025, p. 19). As social media platforms amplify exposure to a diverse subset of images, they may reinforce already existing racial or gender stereotypes impacting Black women viewers’ intragroup assessments variably. Given that prior literature suggests competing possibilities regarding the impact of skin tone, sexualization, and stereotype evaluations the following research questions were posed:

  • RQ1: Do Black women viewers make differential attributions about the (a) competence, (b) warmth and (c) morality of the women featured in the photos based on skin-tone?

  • RQ2: How does the interaction between skin tone and sexualization affect Black women viewers’ ratings of the (a) competence, (b) warmth, and (c) morality of the women featured in the photos?

  • RQ3: How does the interaction between skin tone and sexualization affect Black women viewers’ rating of the (a) traditional media and (b) social media prototypicality of the women as well as their perceived (c) physical attractiveness?

Method

Participants and Procedure

A 2 (sexualization) x 2 (skin tone) between-subjects experiment was designed to address the study aims. Images of women shown on the social media platform Instagram were varied with respect to their sexualization (sexualized vs. non-sexualized) and skin tone (darker brown vs. lighter brown). An a priori G*Power (Faul et al., 2007) determined at least 787 participants would be needed to detect small effects and interactions (power = .80, α = .05; f = 0.10). A total of 872 Black women were recruited from Connect by Cloud Research. Participants resided in the United States, were 18 years or older, and identified as Black women. Eleven participants were removed for failing to meet eligibility criteria, or failing the attention check, leaving a final sample of 861. Participants ranged in age from 18 to 81 (M = 35.95, SD = 12.00).

Procedures were approved by the author’s university Institutional Review Board. After consent was obtained, participants each viewed seven Instagram photos that featured a full body image of a Black woman. Each participant was randomly assigned to one of four experimental conditions: (a) sexualized + darker brown skinned Black woman, (b) non-sexualized + darker brown skinned Black woman, (c) sexualized + lighter brown skinned Black woman, (d) non-sexualized + lighter brown skinned Black woman. Within each condition, each of the seven photos was displayed individually and in the same order. After random assignment, participants were required to view each image for at least 10 seconds; after this period, participants were able to continue to the next image at their own discretion. After viewing all stimuli, participants completed a questionnaire and then were redirected to Connect for compensation of $3.30 USD.

Stimulus Materials

Stimuli for all conditions were designed to appear on the social media platform Instagram. Stimulus images were sourced from publicly available accounts with under 100,000 followers. Images were found using popular fashion-oriented hashtags: #grwm, #ootd, and #ootdstyle. Images sampled featured a full body shot of a phenotypically Black woman who appeared 20–30 years old and who fit Black beauty standards (i.e., slim yet curvy physique, long hair; Capodilupo, 2015). See the supplemental file for sample stimuli on the Open Science Framework (OSF) (https://osf.io/7bqpx/overview?view_only=957e68f0c22f47dea67c7961c274da8e ).

Following the work of Vendemia et al. (2021, 2024) and Bell et al. (2018), operationalization of sexualization was determined by the relative amount of skin exposure and sexualization cues. Sexualized women appeared in a minimal amount of clothing that exposed a sizable amount of their body and skin (e.g., tight fitted attire, short skirts or dresses, bathing suits). Sexualization of the women was also determined by their engagement in sexually suggestive poses, such as self-touch or directing the camera angle to highlight sexualized body regions (e.g., buttocks, breasts or pelvic region). Non-sexualized women appeared fully clothed with limited skin exposure (e.g., long pants, long dresses or long skirts) and were not featured in any sexually suggestive poses. To minimize confounds across the sexualization factor, two images of each woman were sampled. As such, the same seven images of women appeared across all conditions.

To minimize confounds across the skin tone factor, images were digitally edited using Adobe Photoshop CC 2025. Two versions of each stimulus image were created to depict the same woman with either lighter brown or darker brown skin. Skin tone adjustments were guided by Love et al. (2025) who developed an adapted version of the New Immigrant Study Skin Color Scale (Massey & Martin, 2003). This scale provides visual anchors for perceived skin tone ranging from lighter to darker shades. Each image was adjusted to correspond to either a lighter skin tone anchor (points 1–3) or a darker skin tone anchor (points 5–7) on the scale. Edits were conducted using the adjustment layers in Photoshop. The Hue/Saturation adjustment layers were applied to selectively target red and yellow undertones in the skin, while the Curves adjustment layers were used to lighten or darken the overall image. All images were edited by a trained research assistant under the supervision of the author to ensure consistency across each factor.

Measures

All semantic differential scales used bipolar anchors (e.g., cold–warm; professional–unprofessional; ugly–attractive) and were evaluated using 7-point scales (1–7), with higher scores indicating greater endorsement of the positive pole of each construct.

Manipulation Checks and Controls

Perceived Sexualization

The extent to which participants perceived the women in the photos were sexualized was assessed using a three-item semantic differential scale (Vendemia et al., 2021). The stem read, “The women in the photos were…” followed by three bipolar adjectives (not sexual–sexual; not revealing–revealing; fully clothed–minimally clothed; ω = .94).

Skin Tone

A four-item semantic differential scale was developed to assess participants’ perception of their own skin tone and the skin tone of the women depicted in the photos. The self-perception measure (ω = .95) used the stem “My skin tone can be described as…”, whereas the stem of the target measure (ω = .95) said, “The women in the photos appeared to have a skin tone that was described as…”. Both measures included four bipolar adjectives (lighter–darker; fairer–deeper; tan–ebony; crème–cocoa).

Source and Image Evaluations

Physical Attractiveness

The perceived physical attractiveness of the women in the photos was assessed using a three-item semantic differential scale (Vendemia et al., 2024). The stem read, “The women in the photos are…” followed by three bipolar adjectives (unattractive–attractive; ugly–pretty; bad looking–good looking; ω = .90).

Competence

Participants’ attributions about the competence of the women in the photos was assessed using a four-item semantic differential scale (McCroskey & Teven, 1999). The stem read, “The women in the photos seemed…” followed by four bipolar adjectives (unprofessional–professional; unintelligent–intelligent; incompetent–very competent; stupid–smart; ω = .91).

Warmth

Participants’ attributions about the warmth of the women in the photos was assessed using a four-item semantic differential scale (Fiske et al., 2002; McCroskey & Teven, 1999). The stem read, “The women in the photos seemed…” followed by four bipolar adjectives (unfriendly–friendly; ill-intentioned–well-intentioned; cold/warm; good natured–bad natured; ω = .86).

Morality

Participants’ attributions about the morality of the women in the photos was assessed using an adapted four-item semantic differential scale (Leach et al., 2007). The stem read, “The women in the photos seemed…” followed by four bipolar adjectives (dishonest–honest; insincere–sincere; untrustworthy–trustworthy; immoral–moral; ω = .94).

Expectancy of Media Representation

Participants assessment of the degree to which the women in the photos met or violated their expectations of how Black women typically appear across media platforms was measured using a six-item scale (Vendemia et al., 2024). The stem of the traditional media scale question read “In traditional media outlets (e.g., magazines, television, movies), seeing Black women appear in the way they did in the photos is…” followed by six bipolar adjectives (not typical–typical; uncommon–very common; surprising to me–unsurprising to me; abnormal–normal; expected–unexpected; infrequent–frequent; ω = .93). Similarly, the stem of the social media platform scale read “On social media platforms (like Instagram) seeing Black women appear in the way they did in the photos is…” followed by the same bipolar adjectives (ω = .95).

Results

Analysis Plan

SPSS Statistics (Version 30) was used for all analyses. The sexualization factor contained two conditions (sexualized vs. non-sexualized). The skin tone factor also contained two conditions (lighter brown vs. darker brown). Dependent variables included perceived physical attractiveness, social media and traditional media prototypicality, as well as attributions of competence, warmth, and morality. First, analyses of variance (ANOVAs) were conducted to test the efficacy of the sexualization and skin tone manipulations. Second, a multivariate analysis of covariance (MANCOVA) was conducted to examine the effects of the independent variables – sexualization and skin tone – on the set of dependent variables. The MANCOVA controlled for age and participants’ perception of their own skin tone. H1–H3 and RQ1 examined the main effect of sexualization and skin tone, and research questions RQ2 and RQ3 examined the possible interaction between the two factors across all outcome variables. Please see Table 1 for descriptive statistics and zero-order correlations for key study variables.

Table 1 Descriptive Statistics and Zero-Order Correlations Among Key Study Variables
Full size table

Covariate Effects

The multivariate test of the overall effect of age in the MANCOVA was not statistically significant, Wilks’Λ = 0.98, F(6, 825) = 1.89, p = .079, ηp2 = .01. The multivariate test of the overall effect of participant perception of their own skin tone on the dependent variables was statistically significant, Wilks’Λ = 0.98, F(6, 825) = 3.46, p < .001, ηp2 = .02. Follow up univariate analyses indicated that perceived participant skin tone was significantly associated with competence, F(1, 830) = 6.55, p < .01, ηp2 = .01, morality, F(1, 830) = 8.61, p < .001, ηp2 = .01), and physical attractiveness, F(1, 830) = 8.13, p < .001, ηp2 = .01. Full model output is available in the OSF supplemental file (https://osf.io/7bqpx/overview?view_only=957e68f0c22f47dea67c7961c274da8e ).

Sexualization

Manipulation Check

The first set of hypotheses focused on the effects of the sexualization factor. The sexualized condition (M = 5.71, SD = 0.98) was rated as significantly more sexualized as compared to the non-sexualized condition (M = 1.93, SD = 1.12), F(1, 853) = 2724.96, p < .001, ηp2 = .76, indicating a successful manipulation.

Hypothesis 1

H1 stated that Black women who viewed sexualized (vs. non-sexualized) social media images would rate the women in the photos as a more prototypical representation of Black women (a) in traditional media outlets, on (b) social media platforms, and as (c) more physically attractive. Results from the MANCOVA confirm H1a. Viewers who were exposed to sexualized images (M = 3.74, SD = 0.97) perceived the women in the photos as more prototypical representations of Black women in traditional media, relative to viewers who were exposed to non-sexualized images (M = 3.55, SD = 1.06), F(1, 830) = 6.75, p < .01, ηp2 = .01. Conversely, H1b was not supported, results showed that there was no significant difference in viewers’ perception of the women in the photos as a more prototypical representation of Black women on social media between the sexualized (M = 4.12, SD = 0.81) and non-sexualized conditions (M = 4.02, SD = 1.00), F(1, 830) = 2.67, p = .102, ηp2 = .003. Lastly, H1c was not supported, with results showing no significant difference in viewers perception of the physical attractiveness of the women in the photos between the sexualized (M = 6.68, SD = 0.73) and non-sexualized conditions (M = 6.71, SD = 0.58), F(1, 830) = 0.75, p = .385, ηp2 = .000.

Hypothesis 2

H2 stated that Black women who viewed sexualized (vs. non-sexualized) social media images would rate the women in the photos as (a) less competent, (b) less warm, and (c) less moral. Results from the MANCOVA confirm H2a. Viewers who were exposed to sexualized images (M = 4.98, SD = 1.25) rated the women in the photos as less competent, relative to viewers who were exposed to non-sexualized images (M = 5.90, SD = 0.98), F(1, 830) = 145.15, p < .001, ηp2 = .15. The results for H2b also show a significant difference in the predicted direction. Viewers who were exposed to sexualized images (M = 5.32 SD = 1.17) rated the women in the photos as less warm, relative to viewers who were exposed to non-sexualized images (M = 5.89, SD = 1.02), F(1, 830) = 56.39, p < .001, ηp2 = .06. Finally, the results for H2c also showed a significant difference in the predicted direction. Viewers who were exposed to sexualized images (M = 4.90, SD = 1.24) rated the women in the photos as less moral, relative to viewers who were exposed to non-sexualized images (M = 5.69, SD = 1.11), F(1, 830) = 98.44, p < .001, ηp2 = .11.

Skin Tone

Manipulation Check

The second set of hypotheses and research questions focused on the effect of the skin tone factor. Women with lighter brown skin (M = 4.16, SD = 1.30) were rated as significantly lighter as compared to women with darker brown skin (M = 6.35, SD = 0.67), F(1, 853) = 951.30, p < .001, ηp2 = .53, indicating a successful manipulation.

Hypothesis 3

H3 predicted that Black women who viewed social media images that feature Black women with lighter brown (vs. darker brown) skin would rate the women in the photos as a more prototypical representation of Black women in (a) traditional media outlets, on (b) social media platforms, and as (c) more physically attractive. Results from the MANCOVA confirm H3a. Viewers who were exposed to images of Black women with lighter brown skin (M = 3.78, SD = 0.98) saw the women as more prototypical representations of Black women in traditional media, relative to viewers who were exposed to images of Black women with darker brown skin (M = 3.51, SD = 1.04), F(1, 830) = 14.98, p < .001, ηp2 = .02. The results for a H3b also show a significant difference in the predicted direction. Viewers who were exposed to images Black women with lighter brown skin (M = 4.16, SD = 0.86) rated the women prototypical representations of Black women on social media, relative to viewers who were exposed to images of Black women with darker brown skin (M = 3.98, SD = 0.95), F(1, 830) = 9.04, p < .001, ηp2 = .01. Lastly, H3c was not supported, with results showing no significant difference in viewers perception of physical attractiveness of the women in the photos between the lighter brown (M = 6.66, SD = 0.69) and darker brown skin conditions (M = 6.73, SD = 0.62), F(1, 830) = 2.31, p = .137, ηp2 = .003.

Research Question 1

RQ1 asked if Black women viewers made differential attributions about the (a) competence, (b) warmth and (c) morality of the women featured in the photos based on skin-tone. Results from the MANCOVA for RQ1a indicate that viewers who saw images of Black women with lighter brown skin (M = 5.26, SD = 1.22) rated the women in the photos as less competent relative to women who viewed images of Black women with darker brown skin (M = 5.65, SD = 1.21), F(1, 830) = 26.36, p < .001, ηp2 = .03. Additionally, results for RQ1b showed that viewers who saw images of Black women with lighter brown skin (M = 5.46, SD = 1.15) rated the women in the photos as less warm relative to women who viewed images of Black women with darker brown skin (M = 5.74, SD = 1.10), F(1, 830) = 11.47, p < .001, ηp2 = .01. Finally, results from RQ1c showed that viewers who saw images of Black women with lighter brown skin (M = 5.16, SD = 1.21) rated the women in the photos as less moral relative to women who viewed images of Black women with darker brown skin (M = 5.43, SD = 1.25), F(1, 830) = 10.82, p < .001, ηp2 = .01.

Interaction Effects

Research Question 2 and 3

Finally, RQ2 and RQ3 asked if the interaction between skin tone and sexualization influenced Black women viewers’ ratings of the (a) competence, (b) warmth and (c) morality of the women featured in the photos (RQ2), as well as the prototypicality of the women in (a) traditional media outlets (b) social media platforms and their (c) physical attractiveness (RQ3). Results from the MANCOVA indicate that none of the two-way interactions were statistically significant. Please see Table 2 for a summary of results for RQ2 and RQ3. Additionally, mean differences by experimental group can be found in the OSF supplemental file (https://osf.io/7bqpx/overview?view_only=957e68f0c22f47dea67c7961c274da8e ).

Table 2 MANCOVA Results for the Interaction Between Sexualization and Skin Tone (RQ2 and RQ3)
Full size table

Exploratory Analyses

Given the theoretical relevance of participants’ own skin tone perceptions and its potential influence on stereotype perceptions and related attributions, we conducted a set of exploratory analyses to further examine these relationships. Specifically, we examined whether participants own perceived skin tone (W) would moderate the relationship between target skin tone (X) and six dependent variables (Y): physical attractiveness, social media prototypicality, traditional media prototypicality, and competence, morality, and physical attractiveness.

Controlling for sexualization, we used PROCESS Macro (Hayes, 2017) Model 1 in six separate analyses. Two significant moderating effects were observed: For traditional media prototypicality, a significant moderation was detected, B = -0.10 (SE = 0.06), p < .05. Simple slopes indicated that the effect of target skin tone on ratings of traditional media prototypicality was magnified by participants’ perceptions of their skin tone as darker. As participants rated themselves as having darker skin, they perceived lighter skin women as more prototypical, and darker skin women as less prototypical. For competence, a significant moderation was detected, B = 0.11 (SE = 0.05), p < .03. Simple slopes indicate that the effect of target skin tone on ratings of competence was magnified by participants’ perceptions of their skin tone as darker. As participants rated themselves as having darker skin, they perceived darker skin women as more competent in comparison to lighter skinned women.

Moderation was not detected for: physical attractiveness, B = -0.03 (SE = 0.04), p = .280, social media prototypicality, B = -0.01 (SE = 0.06), p = .800, warmth, B = 0.01 (SE = 0.06), p = .910, or morality, B = 0.03 (SE = 0.05), p = .531. Full exploratory analyses results are available in the OSF supplemental file (https://osf.io/7bqpx/overview?view_only=957e68f0c22f47dea67c7961c274da8e ).

Discussion

The primary aim of the current study was to understand how Black women evaluate social media images of other Black women that vary in sexualization and skin tone. The results indicate that women exposed to sexualized (vs. non-sexualized) social media images saw the women in the photos as more prototypical representations of Black women featured in traditional media, but not social media. In addition, results indicate that across all conditions there was no significant difference in the attractiveness of the women featured in the images. Finally, results showed that women exposed to sexualized (vs. non-sexualized) social media images rated the women in the photos as less competent, warm, and moral. Germane to the skin tone factor, women exposed to social media images of Black women with lighter brown (vs. darker brown) skin perceived the women as a more prototypical representation of Black women on both traditional and social media. Interestingly, findings indicated that viewers exposed to photos featuring women with lighter brown (vs. darker brown) skin rated the women in the photos as less competent, warm, and moral. However, in probing the interaction between the skin tone and sexualization factor, no significant interaction was found for any of the outcomes.

Theoretical Implications

Research suggests that women may be differentially affected by sexualization due to social identity (Ward et al., 2023). However, much sexualization scholarship uses media images featuring White women, or use White samples, making scholarly understanding restricted. Thus, this study work contributes to our collective understanding of sexualization and media effects literature in several ways. First, this study used a sample of Black women and examined how they engaged with experimental stimuli that were racially representative. Guided by the critical media effects (CME; Ramasubramanian & Banjo, 2020) and intersectionality (Crenshaw, 1994/2013) frameworks, findings from this study provide a more nuanced understanding of how Black women are affected by sexualized images. Consistent with research on predominantly White samples, Black women rated sexualized (vs. non sexualized) women featured in the social media photos less amiably. These harsher attributions may be due to how we are globally socialized to view sexualized women (Ward et al., 2023) or are perhaps due to Black women’s desire to distance themselves from harmful sexual stereotypes imposed on Black women (Anakaraonye et al., 2019; Bay-Cheng et al., 2020).

Unexpectedly, findings demonstrated that sexualized and non-sexualized targets received similar ratings of attractiveness from viewers. These null results are surprising, given both qualitative and quantitative research that suggest society places value on women’s physical attractiveness and sexual appeal (APA, 2007; Aubrey & Frisby, 2011; Awad et al., 2015; Sink & Mastro, 2017; Stone et al., 2015). However, Daniels et al., (2022) found that that exposure to images of Black sexualized (vs. non-sexualized) women yielded similar attractiveness ratings; the authors proposed that due to cultural narratives stigmatizing Black women’s sexuality, Black women were objectified regardless of how they present, leading to similarity in attractiveness. Alternatively, in light of another surprising null study finding that viewers rated the attractiveness of lighter brown and darker brown skinned women similarly, perhaps in response to restrictive beauty standards that value Black women’s sexuality and prioritize Eurocentric aesthetics, Black women have developed scripts of resistance that redefine and redraw the boundaries of beauty and sexuality.

Related to skin tone, results also indicated that viewers made more negative attributions about lighter brown (vs. darker brown) skinned women. Exploratory analyses show that Black women’s perceptions of their own skin tone significantly moderated the relationship between image target skin tone and perceptions of competence, as well as perceptions of traditional media prototypicality. When Black women perceived themselves as darker, they rated targets with darker skin as more competent. Additionally, as Black women perceived themselves as darker, they perceived lighter skin women as more prototypical and darker skin women as less prototypical in traditional media. These results hint that complex intragroup dynamics persist and influence how Black women make judgments about others in their communities.

The effects of colorism stratify contemporary Black American life; within communities of color, people must navigate color hierarchies that place value on Eurocentric aesthetics at both institutional and social levels (Collins, 2022; Hunter, 2002). Although Black people as a collective have experienced disenfranchisement and oppression under White supremacy, colorist hierarchies in and out of the Black community socially privilege individuals with lighter skin and contribute to intragroup divisions within the Black community (Hunter, 2002). The results empirically show variations in Black women’s judgments in response to stimuli based on skin tone. Perhaps knowledge of a broader social context that has privileged lighter-skinned women or stereotypic beliefs about individuals with lighter skin tones led Black women to make less amiable attributions. Additionally, Black women’s personal characteristics, like their own skin tone perceptions, can further magnify intraracial divisions. For darker skinned Black women, experiences with colorism and perceived lack of prioritization in media representations may shape how they assess other Black women.

These results may be further contextualized in relation to study findings on media representation. The CME framework (Ramasubramanian & Banjo, 2020) suggests that social factors such as power and agency should be considered in theorizing the effects of media exposure. Study findings showed that Black women perceived inequitable skin tone representation globally in media and saw Black women as more sexualized in traditional media. These results indicate that colorist beauty standards and sexualized stereotypes may be reflected in the media, perhaps due to disparities in media ownership and workforce prioritization, ultimately influencing who is spotlighted (Castañeda et al., 2015; Ramasubramanian & Banjo, 2020). However, the fact that viewers did not perceive Black women’s sexualization to be prototypical on social media indicates that these platforms may afford users greater agency to represent themselves in ways that resists dominant mainstream discourses (Ramasubramanian & Banjo, 2020). Indeed, user-generated platforms such as YouTube, Instagram, and TikTok have become spaces for Black women influencers to challenge mainstream conceptualizations of Black beauty, affording creators greater empowerment and self-determination (Childs, 2022). Germane to sexualization, for Black women, greater agency in digital self-presentation may mean deliberately representing oneself in a non-sexualized way, thus showing a fuller spectrum of Black womanhood.

However, greater agency in representation may only go so far due to platform structures beyond user control. As noted, viewers perceived lighter brown skin women as more on social media. This may indicate that, similar to traditional media industries, social media platform companies’ power to govern, regulate, distribute, and monetize content may (un)intentionally prioritize content from individuals that more closely align to Eurocentric appearance standards (Ryan-Mosley, 2021). Algorithms and AI-based systems often reinforce gender, sexual and racial biases on the very tools that the public uses for “digital interaction, self-expression, and self-presentation” (Doh et al., 2025, p. 1902). This may lead to the heightened visibility and prioritization of social media content from members of more privileged groups (Duffy & Meisner, 2023). Additionally, this may reinforce the simultaneous idealization of Eurocentric beauty ideals, and the appropriation of phenotypic features historically associated marginalized groups. For example, Doh and colleagues (2025) suggests that beauty filters like TikTok’s Bold Glamour reinforce Western beauty ideals rooted in racial and gender bias. Doh et al. found that Bold Glamour lightened women’s faces, aligning with racial biases favoring lighter skin tones. Doh and colleagues also found that the filter adjusted White, Latina and Asian individuals to have facial features that resembled phenotypically Black women (e.g., fuller lips), whereas Black women’s facial features were minimally changed. By nature, these platforms may shape users’ perception of identity and representation by cultivating a digital ecosystem that values and uplifts adherence to Eurocentric standards of beauty and selective ethnic features. Thus, due to sociocultural pressures both on and offline, Black women on social media may use these features to increase their perceived social value and reap social rewards from digital spaces (Fredrickson & Roberts, 1997).

Limitations and Future Research Directions

Although this study offers useful insights, there are some limitations and areas for future work should be considered. First, this study only examined one intersection of Black women’s social identity: race and gender. However, other social identities such as sexual orientation, able-bodiedness, ethnicity, and class, may interact and influence how Black women are affected by the media (Roberts et al., 2018; Ward et al., 2023). Moreover, the current study examined just one aspect of Black women’s physical appearance. However, research suggests that other culturally specific appearance factors, like hair length and texture, physique, and facial features (Capodilupo, 2015) can influence Black women’s self-concept and thus should individually be addressed.

In addition, the stimulus images depicted conventionally attractive Black women in their 20s and 30s, which may limit the generalizability of our results to broader representations of Black women. Future research should examine how variations of in Black women’s representations (e.g., body size, able-bodiedness), in combination with sexualization and skin tone variation, shape audience perceptions. Continuing, the age of both the viewer and media figure may be an important consideration for future work. Correlation results indicate that participants’ age was significantly associated with self-perceived skin tone and social media prototypicality. As stereotypic attitudes, beauty ideals and technological consumption patterns may change across the life span, meaningful differences across age groups may emerge.

Another limitation of our work was the measurement of perceived skin tone. Given the limited empirical work and measurement development on skin tone among Black women, we developed a measurement of perceived skin tone. Although this measure attempted to capture perceived skin tone using adjective-based items (e.g., “lighter/darker” and “fairer/deeper”), these labels lack a baseline, as people may vary in their internal reference point for what they consider “lighter” or “darker” skin tones. As a result, interpretation of these terms may vary across individuals. Also, descriptive statistics for the darker-brown skin condition suggest a potential ceiling effect. Our measure was only four items in length, which may have limited breadth of participant responses. Future research should prioritize development and validation of more expansive and standardized measures of skin tone perception for empirical use.

As noted by Ramasubramanian and Banjo (2020, p. 390), examining “marginalized groups within their own cultural contexts” rather than within the mainstream is essential to understand media effects. Another limitation of this work is that it is a singular study; therefore, constraining the generalizability of our findings. Future work should replicate and build upon the current study’s findings among multiple samples of Black women in varied contexts. Furthermore, in advancing culturally sensitive technological research, future work should continue to examine how marginalized groups not only react to with culturally relevant media, but how also how they engage with technology using naturalistic methodologies. For example, ecological momentary assessment (EMA) may be useful to document how identity, exposure to sexualized media, or even platform features shape racially diverse users’ experiences. To measure user engagement using experimental methods, researchers might employ a feedback task soliciting hashtags from users after engaging with stimuli (Vendemia & Fox, 2024). As women of color and sexual minorities experience more fetishization and sexual stereotyping (Ward et al., 2023), understanding how users engage with content in digital contexts where there is variable visibility and anonymity afforded is essential.

Practice Implications

Findings of our study can be practically applied. For practitioners, these findings can inform social media literacy interventions designed to mitigate appearance pressures associated with social media use and increase awareness of the social costs of sexualized self-presentation. For media and tech industry stakeholders, our findings imply that concerted efforts to address the (mis)representation of Black women in mainstream media is warranted. Black media consumers recognize racial and gender biases in the media they consume and ultimately may choose to divest from entertainment media that narrowly represent their community. Additionally, as social media platforms can reinforce sexual and gender stereotypes through automated content systems, activists and policy makers should continue to advocate for greater algorithmic transparency from tech companies (Algorithmic Justice League, 2025) and propose legislation that creates guardrails for tech companies to protect vulnerable groups from algorithmic bias (e.g., the proposed Algorithmic Accountability Act of 2025).

Finally, as social media platforms afford users greater agency in their self-presentations, Black women should feel empowered to actively define Black womanhood online through showcasing themselves beyond the confines of the sexualized stereotyping of the mainstream. For lighter-skinned Black women, however, awareness of the double-edged nature of self-presentation is important. Sexualized self-presentation and phenotype may increase prototypicality in online spaces but additionally contribute to less positive audience reactions.

Conclusion

Black women exist at the intersection of racial and gender marginalization yet are an understudied population in media effects and technology scholarship. This work investigated how differences in sexualization and skin tone impact Black women’s evaluations of social media content featuring other Black women. Results showed that Black women make less amiable attributions about sexualized imagery of other Black women. Additionally, study results suggested there may be intraracial tensions concerning skin tone: participants made less amiable evaluations about lighter brown (vs. darker brown) skinned Black women in photos. Finally, study results suggest that Black women perceive colorist and sexualizing representations of Black women across both traditional and social media platforms. Drawing on sexualization scholarship and both the critical media effects (Ramasubramanian & Banjo, 2020) and intersectional frameworks (Crenshaw, 1994/2013) we highlight how sociohistorical context and social identity shape Black women’s engagement with identity-relevant media, advocating for more culturally sensitive research that centers the experiences of historically marginalized communities of women.